Dear All,
Dear All,
As I have been writing time and again, that in this age of deceit, Reality is separate from appearance. Iran is a Muslim nation and close neighbor of Afghanistan. So if the USA or any other nation had invaded Afghanistan, Iran should have helped and supported Afghanistan, if not materially, then at least morally. But what Iran really did was to become a tool in the hands of USA to establish a non representative and anti-people government in Afghanistan.
Incidentally I had talked to an illiterate Afghan and he told me that Iran was with the USA and I was surprised about his knowledge. Behind the facade of anti-USA rhetoric was the Israel-Iran-USA ties of common interests, as the following excerpt from a Yale university publication, shows:
Secret Iran US Ties Against Afghanistan's Taliban
Excrepts from
TREACHEROUS
ALLIANCE
the secret dealings of israel, iran,
And the United States of America trita parsi
And the United States of America trita parsi
Yale university
As the United States was beginning its military operations in Afghanistan, State Departmentand National Security Council officials began meeting secretly withIranian diplomats in Paris and Geneva in October 2001, under the sponsorshipof Lakhdar Brahimi, head of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan.16 The contacts were initiated by Ambassador James Dobbins, the Bush administration's special envoy for Afghanistan. Fully supported by Powell,Dobbins told Brahimi that he would like to meet with the Iranians, and within a few days officials from the Iranian Foreign Ministry contacted Dobbins to offer their assistance. In the initial meetings German and Italian.
THE UNIPOLAR ERA
Delegations also attended to provide Iran and the United States political
cover. Their attendance gave the talks, which soon were dubbed the Geneva Channel, a multilateral appearance. In reality, however, the discussions were bilateral and the highest-level contacts between officials of the two countries since the Iran-Contra scandal.
The talks progressed better than expected. The discussions focused on
"how to effectively unseat the Taliban and, once the Taliban was gone, how to stand up an Afghan government," and the Iranians gave extensive assistance to the United States in the war, unaware of what was about to unfold after the success in Afghanistan.17 The Iranian diplomats impressed their American and European counterparts tremendously with their knowledge and expertise about Afghanistan and the Taliban. And Iran's help was not negligible. The Iranians offered their air bases to the United States, they offered to perform search-and-rescue missions for downed American pilots, they served as a bridge between the Northern Alliance and the United States
in the fight against the Taliban, and on occasion they even used U.S. information to find and kill fleeing al-Qaeda leaders.
Though Dobbins's mandate was limited to talks on Afghanistan, a
tight-knit group around Powell had prepared a secret comprehensive packageof carrots on a stick to offer the Iranians.Unlike the Pentagon, the State Department favored a strategic opening to Iran, not just tactical discussions.
The American diplomats realized that the cooperation over Afghanistan
could be extended to cover al-Qaeda and other terrorist organizations.
The United States and Iran could expand their intelligence-sharing cooperation and coordinate more robust border sweeps to capture al-Qaeda fighters who were fleeing into Pakistan and Iran.Ryan Crocker, a member of the American negotiating team who was charged with discussing general issues, knew about the package. Crocker, along with like-minded colleagues at the State Department, was ready to implement Powell's proposal at the drop of a hat—if only the president would approve it.But hard-liners in the White House worked strenuously to prevent Bush from going along with it. "[Vice President] Cheney and [Secretary of Defense Donald] Rumsfeld were always there to sabotage our cooperation in Afghanistan if it got too far,"Wilkerson said.19
Nowhere was the common interest of the United States and Iran more
clear than during the Bonn Conference of December 2001, at which a number of prominent Afghans and representatives from various countries, including the United States and Iran, met under UN auspices in the capital of Germany to decide on a plan for governing Afghanistan.
Iran had carefully laid the groundwork for the conference weeks in advance. Iran's political clout with the various warring Afghan groups proved to be crucial. It was Iran's influence over the Afghans and not America's threats and promises that moved the negotiations forward. It was also the Iranian delegation—and not Dobbins—that pointed out that the draft of the Bonn Declaration contained no language on democracy or any commitment on behalf of Afghanistan to help fight international terrorism.Curiously enough, Dobbins's instructions contained nothing about democracy.By the last night of the conference, an interim constitution had been agreed upon and all other issues had been resolved except the toughest one—who was to govern Afghanistan? The Northern Alliance insisted that, as the winner of the war, the spoils should be theirs. Though they represented about 40 percent of the country, they wanted to occupy eighteen of
Iran had carefully laid the groundwork for the conference weeks in advance. Iran's political clout with the various warring Afghan groups proved to be crucial. It was Iran's influence over the Afghans and not America's threats and promises that moved the negotiations forward. It was also the Iranian delegation—and not Dobbins—that pointed out that the draft of the Bonn Declaration contained no language on democracy or any commitment on behalf of Afghanistan to help fight international terrorism.Curiously enough, Dobbins's instructions contained nothing about democracy.By the last night of the conference, an interim constitution had been agreed upon and all other issues had been resolved except the toughest one—who was to govern Afghanistan? The Northern Alliance insisted that, as the winner of the war, the spoils should be theirs. Though they represented about 40 percent of the country, they wanted to occupy eighteen of
the twenty-four ministries. Around 2 a.m., Dobbins gathered the Afghan
parties, the Iranians, the Russians, the Indians, the Germans, and Brahimi of the UN to resolve this final sticking point.For two hours the different delegations took turns trying to convince Yunus Qanooni, the representative of the Northern Alliance, to accept a lower number of ministries, but to no avail. Finally, the Iranian lead negotiator—Javad Zarif—took the Afghan delegate aside and began whispering to him in Persian. A few minutes later, they returned to the table and the Afghan conceded. "Okay, I give up," he said. "The other factions can have two more ministries." This was a critical turning point, because the efforts by other states to convince Qanooni had all failed. "It wasn't until Zarif took him aside that it was settled,"Dobbins admitted in retrospect. "We might have had a situation like we had in Iraq, where we were never able to settle on a single leader and government." The next morning, the historic Bonn agreement was signed. America hadn't only won the war, but, thanks to Iran, it had also won the peace.
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