Tuesday 28 June 2011

[PF:165733] Dissent in the Muslim Brotherhood: How Egypt's Big Tent Party Isn't Big Enough

Most Western observers see the Muslim Brotherhood as a homogenous group of hard-line Islamists, dedicated to overthrowing the secular Egyptian state and imposing a severe interpretation of Shari'a law on its people. In reality, the Islamist group has long been something of a "big tent," gathering within it representatives of different political leanings, all united by oppression under the regime of Hosni Mubarak.

 
Members of the Muslim Brotherhood attend a rally in Cairo's Munib neighborhood

In conversations, some Brothers come across as old-fashioned leftists, dare I say even Marxists: their main focus seems to be workers' rights. Others have an almost Thatcherite disdain for labor unions. Even among the true-green Islamists, there are at least two different groups: the followers of Hassan Banna and those of Syed Qutb. (I'll save a discussion on the distinctions for another day.)

With the brutal oppression of Mubarak now gone, it's only to be expected that some denizens of the big tent feel free to strike out on their own. Some slipped away quietly, casting their lot with liberals like Mohamed ElBaradei and Amr Moussa. Others, like Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh, broke with more fanfare: after he defied the Brotherhood's ban on any member's standing for President, he was ejected from the party.

Now a group of prominent young Brothers have decided to go their own way, setting up the Egyptian Trend Party. (The Brotherhood, which has its own political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party, has said that those who join the new group will be expelled.)

This was to be expected: a couple of days before the announcement of the new party, Mohamed Kassas and Islam Lotfy told me they were disenchanted with the Brotherhood's senior leadership. "The revolution exposed major differences between older and younger Brothers," said Kassas. While the younger members were keen to join the uprising against Mubarak from the get-go, the older leadership were wary. Perhaps because they had suffered terribly for resisting the regime (most of the Brotherhood leadership endured long years in jail and brutal torture), the old guard hesitated for several days as the anti-Mubarak momentum built up in Tahrir Square.

The leadership eventually backed the revolution, but by then they had lost credibility among many young members. Those young Brothers who had already joined the crowds in the square found themselves – for the first time without "adult" supervision – having conversations about politics with non-Islamist peers. They discovered shared aspirations. "They wanted the same things we did, like freedom and the right to change the government," Lotfy told me.

After Mubarak's fall, the young Brothers were disappointed by their elders' initial actions. The Brotherhood's political party was created overnight, with little discussion; the youth wing would have preferred an internal election to determine the leadership of the new body. "There's not enough distance between the Brotherhood and the party," said Kassas. The dismissal of Aboul Fotouh was the last straw.

Launching their own party, Kassas and Lotfy have said they will uphold the aspirations of the Tahrir throngs. But while they are long on ambition, they're short on specifics about how they would like the new Egypt to be governed. Their party will seek to build a new big tent, inviting liberals and leftists to join.

Guess who's doing the same thing? Yes, the Brotherhood, too, wants to form a broad coalition ahead of the parliamentary elections scheduled for the fall.

Article Soruce: http://globalspin.blogs.time.com/2011/06/28/dissent-in-the-muslim-brotherhood-how-egypts-big-tent-party-isnt-big-enough/?utm_medium=referral&utm_source=pulsenews

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[PF:165727] Ethnic Leaders Forge Alliance Against Karzai

A group of former warlords who helped the U.S. topple the Taliban regime in 2001 have launched a political alliance against Afghan President Hamid Karzai's rule, in a re-emergence of old civil-war divisions as the country looks ahead to the departure of U.S. forces.

The leaders, each representing a minority ethnic group, say they are concerned that Mr. Karzai will seek to claim more power following President Barack Obama's announcement last week of plans to begin withdrawing U.S. troops.

The announcement of the renewed alliance last week followed a decision by a special court backed by Mr. Karzai that disqualified a quarter of all parliamentarians elected in September polls. The decision weakened the contingent of lawmakers that is trying to turn the legislature into a check on Mr. Karzai's authority.

Mr. Karzai had argued that the election wasn't representative of the public's wishes because it diluted the power of the Pashtuns, the country's largest ethnic group-to which Mr. Karzai and the Taliban belong.

The court turned the seats over to the runners-up in the polls, many of them Karzai supporters, including one of his cousins. Mr. Karzai's spokesman, Waheed Omer, said the new lawmakers were legal and had the full support of the president.

The disqualifications are "not good for the president but shows the democracy in this country," Mr. Omer said. He also welcomed the formation of the new opposition group

The new opposition alliance took shape with a sense of urgency, amid worries that the U.S. withdrawal will take away the most significant check to Mr. Karzai's power: the international community.

The opposition group is the first to include leaders across Afghanistan's Uzbek, Hazara and Tajik communities, which slightly outnumber Pashtuns with roughly 43% of the population.

"We want to inform the international community and Karzai that we don't agree with the direction the country is moving in," said Haji Mohammad Mohaqiq, the leader of Afghanistan's Hazara community, which had gained power in September polls but lost seats in last week's court decision.

"Political leaders from all ethnicities are being left out of government," Mr. Mohaqiq said. "Look at how he is trying to end parliament because it's not allied to him."

The new opposition group is led by former key figures in the Northern Alliance, which banded together mostly Tajik, Uzbek and Hazara militias to fight the Taliban regime during civil war in the 1990s.

Along with Mr. Mohaqiq, the group is led by Gen. Rashid Dostum of the Uzbek community and Ahmad Zia Massoud, a prominent Tajik whose brother, Ahmad Shah Massoud, led the Tajiks against the Taliban before his assassination by al Qaeda two days before the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

Efforts to form opposition groups to Mr. Karzai have crumbled in the past, and how much parliamentary support the new alliance can muster is unclear. But the three leaders successfully rallied their communities to support Mr. Karzai's presidential race in 2009.

They say they feel the president since his election has betrayed them by moving against their own supporters in parliament and pursuing negotiations with the Taliban.

The group says it fears that talks with the insurgents, which also have the backing of the U.S., would lead to a power-sharing agreement with the Taliban.

"These negotiations with the Taliban are also a main reason we've formed this alliance. What will the government give up in peace talks?" said Mr. Massoud. Mr. Massoud served as Mr. Karzai's vice president during his first term.

Afghanistan's political system provides few checks to presidential powers except for the parliament, though it is considered weak. There are few strong political parties in Afghanistan, where political allegiance often runs along ethnic and tribal lines. The only current major opposition group is headed by Abdullah Abdullah, who ran for president against Mr. Karzai in 2009 and was a Northern Alliance leader.

But Mr. Abdullah's party has been unable to cobble enough leaders together to form a strong opposition to Mr. Karzai's rule.

Some analysts suspect the coalition will succumb to infighting. "Whenever they build coalitions, they are vulnerable because each leader is fighting for its own community," said Haroun Mir, a Kabul-based political analyst.

Among the opposition's objectives is to put enough pressure on Mr. Karzai to reverse the decision to disqualify lawmakers from parliament; ensure the Taliban don't gain power through peace talks; and to field their own candidate for the next presidential election, in 2014-the year that foreign forces plan to hand over full authority to Afghanistan.

Separately on Tuesday, the Afghan government appealed to the U.S. and Interpol to arrest Afghanistan's central-bank governor, saying he was involved in systemic fraud at the country's largest lender. Gov. Abdul Qadir Fitrat fled to the U.S. about 10 days ago, saying he feared for his life after exposing corruption at Kabul Bank.

Mr. Fitrat has denied wrongdoing. Neither he nor a central-bank spokesman could be reached. The U.S. has no bilateral extradition treaty with Afghanistan.

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[PF:165726] 100 Saal k Rozay ka Sawab



     

__._,_.___


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[PF:165725] Hefty price tag for weather woes!

It's not hard to imagine the damage weird weather inflicts on our planet. Hurricane Katrina, for example, obliterated coastal communities, wiped out businesses and left hundreds of dead bodies in its wake. Quantifying the cost of such a one-off (we hope) event is pretty easy too: Katrina left us with a bill of $81 billion, according to the National Hurricane Center. But what about the year-in, year-out price tag of our increasingly volatile weather? It's a whole lot harder to calculate the cost of a chronic condition like that – or at least it was. Now a study by the National Center for Atmospheric Research estimates that the bottom-line cost of all the meteorological craziness is a staggering $485 billion per year in the U.S. alone, as much as 3.4% of the country's GDP.

"It's clear that our economy isn't weatherproof," Jeffrey Lazo, the study's lead author, said in a statement. "Even routine changes in the weather can add up to substantial impacts on the U.S. economy."

The fact that it took until now for someone to try to come up with a hard figure is a measure of just how daunting the number crunching can be. After all, when it comes to the weather yo-yo, a debit to one industry can be a credit to another. Take what happens in a snowstorm: air travel is disrupted and heating costs skyrocket, but ski resorts hit the jackpot. Or consider a dry spell: crop supplies dwindle, but construction projects are able to stay on schedule.

Other industries are affected in myriad ways. If you work in mining, you absolutely hate weird weather events, which eat up 14% of the mining economy each year, probably through several avenues: price fluctuations as demand for oil, gas and coal changes in tandem with the weather; threats to the security of mine water supply; and damage to mines and associated transport infrastructure. Agriculture cuts a close second at 12%; no surprise, crops deal with torrential rain and unreliable temperatures even worse than we do. The manufacturing, finance, insurance, retail and utilities sectors are also sensitive: people don't buy as many bikinis and bikes in rainy summers, and weather-induced power outages are a huge blow to electric-utility operations. But be thankful if you are in wholesale trade, retail trade or services. They are barely touched by the weather, partly because manufacturers cannot function without wholesalers no matter what the climate; and America still needs its health care and financial advice even when it's raining.

Lazo also found that states have different vulnerabilities to wild weather. New York was the most sensitive, with weather having a 13.5% impact on its gross state product, and Tennessee fared best, with only a 2.5% impact. While the researchers did not provide a concrete explanation for all the state-to-state differences, they noted that states with a larger gross state product, or larger economic outputs, were more weather-sensitive in absolute terms. (A 10% loss of economic activity in a big-revenue state is simply a lot more money than the same 10% in a smaller state.) Differences may also arise from the fact that coastal regions are hit hardest by tropical storms, while other areas are more susceptible to drought and severe winters. But the study noted that no one part of the country seemed radically more weather sensitive than any other part.

No matter the regional differences, $485 billion is a lot of money, and it remains to be seen how effectively Americans will respond to the threat. If a recent survey by the HNTB Corp., an infrastructure contracting group, is any indication, we have a lot of work to do. More than two-thirds of Americans don't realize that flooding is the biggest natural threat to their home, for example; fewer than 1 in 10 have prepared their homes for flooding, and 63% refuse to pay more taxes for flood-protective measures in their neighborhoods.

Floods are only one part of the weird weather picture, but HNTB flood management practice leader Rob Vining says the survey's findings are a perfect example of how we do a much better job of reacting to disasters than preparing for them. That may be human nature, but it's a part of our nature that we have to learn to fight. If a broken planet isn't enough to mobilize us, a flat-broke country ought to be.

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[PF:165723] Greece looks grim as anger mounts

As the antiausterity demonstration in Athens on Tuesday, June 28, devolved into familiar violent, tear-gas-soaked clashes between fringe anarchists and police outside Parliament, Giorgos Rallis shut off his television and stewed quietly about the immense dilemma facing his country.

On Wednesday, Greek lawmakers are due to vote on an unpopular austerity bill that includes more tax hikes and a controversial plan to privatize state-owned enterprises, including the Public Power Corporation (PPC), where Rallis has worked as a technician for 19 years. European leaders and the International Monetary Fund have already lent Greece €110 billion ($150 billion) and say that unless the government passes the austerity bill, they won't hand over the latest installment of bailout loans, totaling €12 billion ($17 billion). That would leave the country, which runs out of cash in July, to default on its massive sovereign debt. But many Greeks say the year of austerity they have already suffered in exchange for the previous bailout loans has impoverished Greeks and done nothing to help the country pay back its debt.

"The world has cornered us, and our own politicians have cornered us," says Rallis, 46, who escaped to the island of Evia, some 40 miles (65 km) away from Athens, to avoid the two-day general strike that shut down much of the country's public transportation, public services and businesses. "The populists in Europe ridicule us as a bunch of lazy people and tell us to sell the Acropolis. I am tired of this country being the easy target. Let Greece go bankrupt. Let all of Europe go bankrupt. I want them to stop bleeding me for money I just don't have."

Rallis is just one member of the quiet but angry majority that has Greek lawmakers nervous, even as world headlines are dominated by the dramatic images of young self-styled anarchists and far-left militants, many donning gas masks and crash helmets, fighting with police and one another. During Tuesday's protests, police fired several rounds of tear gas to disperse rioters and the rest of the crowd. More drama was unfolding inside Parliament, as Prime Minister George Papandreou and his new Finance Minister, Evangelos Venizelos, tried to keep Socialist lawmakers from defecting before the crucial vote. At least four deputies from the Socialist PASOK Party have said publicly that they may vote against the new austerity bill. If one more lawmaker votes against it, the bill fails.

Though opposition parties have been largely united against the new austerity measures, Elsa Papadimitrou, a deputy from the main opposition, the center-right New Democracy Party, said she was mulling a vote for the austerity package "to put the good of the nation above party interests," according to the Greek daily Kathimerini.

Meanwhile, the political maelstrom continues to worry leaders in Brussels. Some have discussed alternative options for Greece in case the austerity bill fails in Parliament. But the E.U.'s economic chief, Olli Rehn, shut down that talk. "There is no Plan B to avoid default," he said Tuesday. "The European Union continues to be ready to support Greece. But Europe can only help Greece if Greece helps itself."

Rehn added that Greek political leaders should be "fully aware of the responsibility that lies on their shoulders." But those same politicians also are facing historic levels of distrust from the Greek public, who view the country's political system as hopelessly corrupt and broken.

Papandreou's government – which has borne the brunt of the antiausterity backlash – is fragile, even after a Cabinet reshuffle last week that was meant to rally Socialist deputies who had lost faith in his Ministers. The reshuffle brought on board new Finance Minister Venizelos, a steely constitutional-law scholar who has a strong following in PASOK, but analysts say the move may only buy the party a little more time.

Pollsters and analysts predict that if the vote fails on Wednesday, the government will collapse quickly. But even if the new austerity bill passes, snap elections look increasingly likely. And even if there are new elections, it's unclear just who would lead the country, since polls show that Greeks also have little faith in the New Democracy Party and its leader, Antonis Samaras.

According to Christoforos Vernardakis, the president of leading polling agency VPRC and a political-science professor at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, the economic crisis is bringing to light a long-simmering political crisis in Greece. Since the mid-1990s, when political scandals became commonplace, "more and more people have suspected their politicians are involved in a network of unlawful and corrupt practices," Vernardakis says. "Now people are demanding from their representatives ethics, more efficiency in dealing with problems and a vision for the future. I doubt that these politicians of today can fulfill these demands."

But the prospect of bankruptcy, laden with political chaos, unnerves many Greeks, including Kostas Ifantis, a political-science professor at the University of Athens. He and others fear that the political polarization in Greece today could foment social unrest that in turn could upend the country and even the euro zone. "I hope cooler heads prevail and people sit down and work out what's best for all of us," Ifantis says. "This is not the time for posturing. When you stare at the abyss, you find your consciousness. That's my only hope."

But Giorgos Rallis says he lost hope a long time ago. His wages have been cut; his tax bill has gone up. He worries that he won't be able to pay his rent and support his wife and two young sons if he has to pay for more austerity measures. And he also worries that he will lose his job if the power company PPC is partially privatized.

"I am personalizing this, but why shouldn't I?" he says. "I feel austerity every single day. I see people losing their jobs and homes, eating at soup kitchens, losing their pride. Let the country go broke. I've already gone broke."

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[PF:165722] Afghanistan, a high profile hotel comes under attack

NATO helicopters fired rockets at gunmen on the rooftop of a besieged Kabul hotel early Wednesday, ending a more than four-hour standoff between militants and police that left at least seven dead and eight others wounded, Afghan officials said.

Interior Ministry spokesman Sediq Sediqqi said six suicide bombers attacked the Inter-Continental hotel frequented by Afghan officials and foreign visitors. He said two were killed by hotel guards at the beginning of the attack and four others either blew themselves up or were killed in the airstrike or by Afghan security forces.

The Taliban claimed responsibility for the rare, nighttime attack in the capital – an apparent attempt to show that they remain potent despite heavy pressure from coalition and Afghan security forces.

The attackers were heavily armed with machine guns, anti-aircraft weapons, rocket-propelled grenades, hand grenades and grenade launchers, the Afghan officials said. Afghan police rushed to the scene and firefights broke out. They battled for hours with gunmen who took up positions on the roof.

Some Afghan provincial officials were among the 60 to 70 guests staying at the hotel.

Abdul Zahir Faizada, who is head of the local council in Herat province in western Afghanistan, was staying at the hotel. He planned to attend a conference in Kabul on Wednesday to discuss plans for Afghan security forces to take the lead for securing an increasing number of areas of the country between now and 2014 when international forces are expected to move out of combat roles. Afghans across the country were in the city to attend.

"We were locked in a room. Everybody was shooting and firing," said Faizada who was staying at the hotel with the mayor of Herat city and other officials from the province. "I heard a lot of shooting."

Deputy police chief in Kabul, Daoud Amin, said seven people died in the attack and eight other people – two policemen and six civilians – were wounded. The attackers are not counted in that death toll.

Nazar Ali Wahedi, chief of intelligence for Helmand province in the south, called the assailants "the enemy of stability and peace" in Afghanistan.

Wahedi, too, was in town to attend Wednesday's transition conference, which was being held at a government building in the capital.

"Our room was hit by several bullets," Wahedi said. "We spent the whole night in our room."

The attack began around 10:30 p.m. local time Tuesday and ended around 3 a.m. Wednesday.

U.S. Army Maj. Jason Waggoner, a spokesman for the U.S.-led coalition fighting in Afghanistan, said the helicopters fired on the roof where militants had taken up positions. He said they killed three gunmen and that Afghan security forces clearing the hotel worked their way up to the roof and engaged the remaining insurgents.

As the helicopters attacked and Afghan security forces moved in, four massive explosions rocked the hotel. Officials at the scene said the blasts occurred when security forces either fired on suicide bombers or they blew themselves up.

After the gunmen were killed, the hotel lights that had been blacked out during the attack came back on. Afghan security vehicles and ambulances were removing the dead and wounded from the area.

Taliban spokesman Zabiullah Mujahid quickly claimed responsibility for the attack in a telephone call to the AP, then later issued a statement claiming that Taliban attackers killed guards at a gate and entered the hotel.

"One of our fighters called on a mobile phone and said: 'We have gotten onto all the hotel floors and the attack is going according to the plan. We have killed and wounded 50 foreign and local enemies. We are in the corridors of the hotel now taking guests out of their rooms – mostly foreigners. We broke down the doors and took them out one by one.'"

The Taliban often exaggerate casualties from their attacks. The statement did not disclose the number of attackers, but only said one suicide bomber had died.

A few hours into the clashes, an Afghan National Army commando unit arrived at the scene.

Initially, the U.S.-led military coalition said the Afghan Ministry of Interior had not requested any assistance from foreign forces. But later, the NATO helicopters arrived on the scene at the hotel on a hill overlooking the capital.

Guests inside the hotel said they heard gunfire echoing throughout the heavily guarded building.

Jawid, a guest at the hotel, said he jumped out a one-story window to flee the shooting.

"I was running with my family," he said. "There was shooting. The restaurant was full with guests."

The attack occurred nearly a week after President Barack Obama announced he was withdrawing 33,000 U.S. troops from Afghanistan and would end the American combat role by the end of 2014.

Before the attack began on Tuesday, officials from the U.S., Pakistan and Afghanistan met in the capital to discuss prospects for making peace with Taliban insurgents to end the nearly decade-long war.

"The fact that we are discussing reconciliation in great detail is success and progress, but challenges remain and we are reminded of that on an almost daily basis by violence," Jawed Ludin, Afghanistan's deputy foreign minister, said at a news conference. "The important thing is that we act and that we act urgently and try to do what we can to put an end to violence."

The Inter-Continental – known widely as the "Inter-Con" – opened in the late 1960s, and was the nation's first international luxury hotel. It has at least 200 rooms and was once part of an international chain. But when the Soviets invaded Afghanistan in 1979, the hotel was left to fend for itself.

It was used by Western journalists during the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan in 2001.

On Nov. 23, 2003, a rocket exploded nearby, shattering windows but causing no casualties.

Twenty-two rockets hit the Inter-Con between 1992 and 1996, when factional fighting convulsed Kabul under the government of Burhanuddin Rabbani. All the windows were broken, water mains were damaged and the outside structure pockmarked. Some, but not all, of the damage was repaired during Taliban rule.

Attacks in the Afghan capital have been relatively rare, although violence has increased since the May 2 killing of Osama bin Laden in a U.S. raid in Pakistan and the start of the Taliban's annual spring offensive.

On June 18, insurgents wearing Afghan army uniforms stormed a police station near the presidential palace and opened fire on officers, killing nine.

Late last month, a suicide bomber wearing an Afghan police uniform infiltrated the main Afghan military hospital, killing six medical students. A month before that, a suicide attacker in an army uniform sneaked past security at the Afghan Defense Ministry, killing three people.

Other hotels in the capital have also been targeted.

In January 2008, militants stormed Kabul's most popular luxury hotel, the Serena, hunting down Westerners who cowered in a gym during a coordinated assault that killed eight people. An American, a Norwegian journalist and a Philippine woman were among the dead.

A suicide car bomber in December 2009, struck near the home of a former Afghan vice president and a hotel frequented by Westerners, killing eight people and wounding nearly 40 in a neighborhood considered one of Kabul's safest.

And in February 2010, insurgents struck two residential hotels in the heart of Kabul, killing 20 people including seven Indians, a French filmmaker and an Italian diplomat.

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[karachi-Friends] کچھ باتیں مکہ المکرمہ اور کعبہ المشرفہ کے متعلق




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[karachi-Friends] Art of Ballpoint Pen






 

 Art of Ballpoint Pen
 
 
 
 
 
Picture of a ballpoint pen from Juan Francisco Casas, More images after the break...
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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[karachi-Friends] معجزہ اور انسان





معجزہ اور انسان  .....شاہ نواز فاروقی

رسالت کی تمعجزہ اور انسان اریخ معجزے کی تاریخ ہے۔ اس کے معنی یہ ہیں کہ رسالت کا تصورمعجزے کے بغیر نہیں کیاجاسکتا۔ مولانا ایوب دہلوی نے ایک جگہ فرمایاہے کہ معجزہ رسالت کی حجت ہے ۔ یعنی رسالت کا رسالت ہونا معجزے سے ثابت ہوتاہے۔ یہی وجہ ہے کہ دنیا میں جتنے نبی اورجتنے رسول آئے معجزے کے ساتھ آئے بادی النظرمیں مولانا کی یہ بات درست معلوم ہوتی ہے لیکن رسالت کی تاریخ میں معجزے کے حوالے سے ایک فرق بھی پایاجاتاہے اور وہ یہ ہے کہ رسالت کی تاریخ میں کہیں رسالت صرف معجزے کا اظہارہے اور کہیں معجزے پر رسالت کا انحصارہے۔ مثال کے طورپر سیدنا حضرت عیسیٰؑ کی رسالت میں معجزے کو مرکزیت حاصل ہے اور حضرت عیسیٰؑ کی نبوت معجزے پہ انحصارکرتی نظرآتی ہے۔ اس کے برعکس رسول اکرم ﷺ کی رسالت میں تواترکے ساتھ معجزے کا اظہارتوہے مگر اس پر انحصار نہیں ہے۔ رسول اکرمﷺ کی رسالت میں انحصار قرآن اور اس کے عملی اظہاریعنی سیرت طیبہ پرہے۔ اس کے معنی یہ ہیں کہ اسلامی روایت میں قرآن مجید اور سیرت طیبہ قیامت تک کے لیے سب سے بڑے معجزے کی حیثیت رکھتے ہیں۔معجزے کی روایت کا ایک اہم پہلو یہ ہے کہ انبیاءاورمرسلین سے معجزے کا مطالبہ ہمیشہ "عوام " نے کیا۔ یعنی ان لوگوں نے جن کی روحانی استعدادکم تھی اور جو معجزے کے بغیر حق کو پہچاننے اور اس سے تعلق استوارکرنے کے اہل نہیں تھے۔ خود اس کا انحصار ہمیشہ انبیاءاورمرسلین کے لائے ہوئے پیغام اور ان کی سیرتوں پررہاہے۔ صحابہ کرام ؓ اس کی بہت اچھی مثال ہیں۔ ممتاز صحابہؓ میں سے کسی ایک سے بھی یہ بات منسوب نہیں کہ اس نے ایمان لانے کے لیے معجزے کا مطالبہ کیاہو۔ بلکہ ان حضرات کا معاملہ یہ تھا کہ ان کے لیے معجزہ "معمول" کی بات تھا۔ اس کا سب سے بڑا ثبوت حضرت ابوبکرصدیقؓ کا واقعہ ہے۔ حضوراکرم ﷺ کو معراج ہوئی تو حضرت ابوبکرؓ نے بغیرکسی تاخیر اور بغیرکسی سوال کے معراج کا یقین کیا اور انسانی تاریخ کے اتنے بڑے واقعے کو معمول کا واقعہ بنادیا۔ لیکن یہاں سوال یہ ہے کہ رسالت کی تاریخ میں عام لوگوں نے معجزے کا مطالبہ کیا تو کیوںکیا؟۔اس سوال کا ایک جواب جزوی طورپر سامنے آچکا اور وہ یہ کہ عام لوگ اپنی کمزور روحانی بنیاد کی وجہ سے حق کو پہچاننے اور اس سے تعلق استوارکرنے کی صلاحیت نہیں رکھتے۔ اس جواب کی مزید تفصیل یہ ہے کہ معجزے کے ذریعے عام لوگ اپنی سطح پر رہتے ہوئے الوہیت کے تجربے سے گزرتے ہیں۔ وہ اپنے اندرموجود حق کو دریافت کرتے ہیں۔ ان پر اپنا اصل آشکارہوتاہے ۔ مطلب یہ کہ معجزہ انہیں ایک لمحے میں عام سے خاص بنادیتاہے ۔انبیاءاورمرسلین اپنی جسمانی ساخت اور اپنے ظاہرکے اعتبارسے عام انسانوں کی طرح ہوتے تھے جس سے عام لوگوں کو اس بات میں شبہ لاحق ہوجاتا تھا کہ یہ لوگ واقعتاً خدا کے بھیجے ہوئے ہیں یا نہیں۔ معجزہ اپنی اصل میں آسمانی مداخلت کی علامت ہے اور انبیاءکے وسیلے سے اس کے سامنے آتے ہی ثابت ہوجاتاتھا کہ انبیاءاپنی طرف سے کچھ نہیں کہتے۔ وہ جو کچھ کہتے ہیں خدا کی طرف سے ہوتاہے۔ اس طرح معجزہ نبوت اور رسالت کو شخص اورپیغام دونوں کی سطح پر اس کی آسمانی اصل یا Divine origin سے منسلک کردیتاتھا۔عام لوگوں کی زندگی سطحی' سرسری اور اتھلی ہوتی ہے۔ اس میں گہرائی اور گیرائی نہیں ہوتی۔ چنانچہ عام لوگوں کی زندگی پریقین سے زیادہ "گمان" کا غلبہ ہوتاہے۔ گمان خیال کی ناجائزتوسیع یا Exaggeration ہوتاہے۔ اس لیے اس پر شیطانی اثرات نمایاں ہوتے ہیں۔ چنانچہ شیطان گمانوں کی قوت سے انسان کو ادھر ادھربھٹکاتارہتاہے۔ اس کے مقابلے پر معجزہ انسان کو یقین سرمایہ عطاکرتا تھا اور اس کے وسیلے سے لوگوں کی زندگی میں گہرائی اورگیرائی پیدا ہوجاتی تھی۔ ایک اور سطح پر معجزہ ناممکن کو ممکن بنانے کا عمل ہوتا تھا اور اس سے یقین میں مزید گہرائی اور صلابت پیدا ہوجاتی تھی۔دین کی روایت فکر اور عمل کی روایت ہے۔ انسان فکر کرتاہے اور عمل اختیارکرتاہے اور ان دونوں قوتوں کے استعمال کے ذریعے زندگی میں کمال اور جمال پیداکرتاہے ۔ لیکن عام لوگ فکر میں بھی کمزورہوتے ہیں اور عمل میں بھی۔چنانچہ ان کی زندگی میں اول تو فکروعمل پیدا نہیں ہوتے۔ ہوتے ہیں تو پائیدار نہیں ہوتے۔ لیکن معجزے کی قوت اتنی بے پناہ اور اس کا اثر اتنا غیرمعمولی تھا کہ کمزور سے کمزور انسان بھی فکروعمل پر مائل ہوجاتاتھا اور اس کے باوجود کی پوری قوت متحرک ہوجاتی تھی۔معجزہ ایک جانب اللہ تعالیٰ کی قدرت کاملہ کا اظہارہے اور دوسری جانب اس سے انسان کی فکرو عمل کا عجزہی پر ظاہرہوتاہے۔ اس طرح معجزہ خدا اور بندے کے درمیان ایک مثالی تعلق پیدا کرنے کا سبب بنتاتھا۔ یہ تعلق خدا کی قدرت اور بندے کے عجز سے عبارت ہوتا تھا۔ ظاہرہے کہ خدا کی سب سے بڑی صفت اس کی قدرت کاملہ ہے اور خدا کے ساتھ تعلق میں بندے کی سب سے بڑی خوبی اس کی عاجزی ہے۔غورکیاجائے تو معجزے کا مطالبہ اپنی نہاد میں غیب کو "حاضروموجود" اور تصورکو "حقیقت" بنانے کا مطالبہ ہے۔ یہی وجہ ہے کہ رسالت کی تاریخ میں معجزہ طلب کرنے اور معجزہ دیکھ کر ایمان نہ لانے والوں پر اکثر سخت عذاب نازل کیاگیاہے۔ یہاں تک کہ انہیں فناکردیاگیا ہے۔ اس کی وجہ یہ ہے کہ یہ لوگ معجزہ کے بعد بھی ایمان نہ لاکر ثابت کردیتے تھے کہ ان کا وجود لایعنی ہے اور اس کی موجودگی کا کوئی جواز نہیں ہے۔ کیونکہ ان کے اندر حق کی رمق بھی موجود نہیں۔ اس اعتبار سے دیکھاجائے تو رسالت کی تاریخ میں معجزے کا مطالبہ ایک بڑی آزمائش کی حیثیت رکھتاتھا۔ ایسی آزمائش کی حیثیت جو معجزے کی تصدیق یا اس کے انکار کی صورت میں انسانی تقدیرپر فیصلہ کن اثر مرتب کرتی تھی۔ یہاں سوال یہ ہے کہ رسول اکرمﷺ کے بعد معجزے کی روایت کا مفہوم کیاہے؟۔اس سوال کی وجہ یہ ہے کہ رسول اللہ ﷺ پر رسالت ختم ہوگئی چنانچہ آپ صلی اللہ علیہ وسلم پر معجزے کی روایت بھی تمام ہوئی۔ اس تناظرمیں دیکھاجائے تو حضوراکرمﷺ کے بعد معجزے کی روایت کا ایک مفہوم یہ ہے کہ اللہ تعالیٰ رسول اکرم ﷺ کے بعد اپنے ولیوں کو کرامتیں عطاکرتارہے گا اور کرامت کی روایت ایک اعتبار سے معجزے کی روایت کی قائم مقام ہے۔ دوسری سطح پر اس سوال کا جواب ایک صوفی کے واقعے میں موجود ہے۔ ایک صاحب اس صوفی کی شہرت سن کر ان کے پاس رہنے لگے مگر کافی عرصے تک ان کے ساتھ رہنے کے باوجود انہوں نے صوفی صاحب سے اس کرامت کا صدور ہوتے نہ دیکھا۔ اس صورت حال نے ان صاحب کو مایوس کیا اور انہوں نے واپسی کا قصدکیا۔ وہ واپس لوٹنے لگے تو صوفی صاحب نے ان سے لوٹنے کی وجہ پوچھی ان صاحب نے کہاکہ آپ کے صاحب کرامت ہونے کی بڑی شہرت تھی مگر میں اتنا عرصہ آپ کے ساتھ رہا اورکوئی کرامت نہ دیکھ سکا۔ یہ سن کر وہ صوفی صاحب مسکرائے اور انہوں نے پوچھاکہ اچھا یہ بتاو کہ تم نے اتنے عرصے میں مجھے کوئی خلاف شریعت کام کرتے دیکھاہے؟ مطلب یہ کہ شریعت پر عمل اور رسول اکرمﷺ کی کامل پیروی سے بڑی کوئی کرامت نہیں۔



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[karachi-Friends] India is the biggest manufacturer of fake degrees in the World




India is the biggest manufacturer of fake degrees in the World!



IN Bangalore city you needn't have to do a course to get an MBA. You can simply buy a certificate for Rs 5,000. The same goes for most degrees. Though the police exposed a major racket in manufacturing fake Bangalore University marksheets and degree certificates recently, several smaller rackets are believed to be still running in the city. These conmen are said to cater in a big way to applicants of ECNR (Emigration Check Not Required) status in passports."We have information of several racketeers manufacturing fake certificates. It is not difficult to catch them. But getting hold of a few blank certificates would not root them out. We have to get the printing press also and seize it. That's often difficult," said a police official.

This August the Tilaknagar police station seized scores of fake Bangalore University marksheets and degree certificates and arrested six people. The printing press that was producing these genuine-looking documents was also seized. They found blank certificates and marksheets for BA, BCom, LLB, MBA, BE, MBBS and BDS streams. What seemed to be most in demand were certificates for the MBA, hotel management diploma ,BPharm and MPharm. The printing setup was simple, but they managed to print genuine looking Bangalore University certificates.

Passport officer Soumen Bagchi said their office does come across forged certificates and the incidence is particularly high among postal applications."We cross-check with individual Universities as and when a doubt arises. It is impossible to get each university degree certificate verified as our resources are limited. But our staff is very familiar with Bangalore University emblems and signatures and chances of fake BU certificates passing for original are rare," said Bagchi.

In case of a forged document, the application is rejected and the applicant is penalised. For first time offenders, the penalty is Rs 5,000. Second time offenders are liable to be imprisoned. According to sources in the police department, the fake certificate racket targets ECNR applicants. Except for a few countries, most do not allow foreigners without an ECNR stamp into their country."The risk of being caught trying to get a job with a fake certificate in India is high because in case of a doubt the employers can at any point get it cross-checked.


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Be Carefull in Islamic Discussions;
Disrespect (of Ambiyaa, Sahabaa, Oliyaa, and Ulamaa) is an INSTANT BAN
Abuse of any kind (to the Group, or it's Members) shall not be tolerated
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[karachi-Friends] Good Decoration Ideas..



 

 

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Fun & Info @ Keralites.net

Fun & Info @ Keralites.net

 

 

 

 


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Be Carefull in Islamic Discussions;
Disrespect (of Ambiyaa, Sahabaa, Oliyaa, and Ulamaa) is an INSTANT BAN
Abuse of any kind (to the Group, or it's Members) shall not be tolerated
SPAM, Advertisement, and Adult messages are NOT allowed
This is not Dating / Love Group, Sending PM's to members will be an illegal act.
 
 
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